Sunday, May 30, 2010

Television, Culture and Consumerism

Television encourages viewers to consume images that most people would otherwise not have access to in the course of a typical life. While this might sound like a benefit, television is not simply about seeing new and different things. It is also about selling. Television programming evolved hand-in-hand with consumerism, at first in its birthplace in America during the mid-20th century, but increasingly everywhere else in the world as well. In a way, television has spread the ethos of consumerism around the globe. It has also spread voyeurism, a more insidious form of consumerism, in the way it reveals what used to be private aspects of human life to public view. Television has normalized consumerism and voyeurism, and in turn these cultural preferences, encouraged by television, exert an influence over the medium, so that there is a reciprocity between television and society. The TV industries monitor the flow of this give-and-take relationship by sophisticated marketing surveys to tailor programs to what they perceive as the interests of their consumer-viewers. Many viewers are unaware that their habits are carefully monitored and that the television industries have created various market segments, or what they call "audiences," to buy and sell in the global marketplace, just like any other commodity. Although viewers think that they are sitting at home watching the tube, the tube is also watching them, and their viewing habits are traded in a marketplace that is still primarily driven by advertising.

Television has also contributed to fostering what some have called "hyper-reality," a sense that the reality of television seems to be more real to viewers than actual reality. This intertwines with a second feature of the televised society: the appearance of what Baudrillard called the simulacrum, a copy without an original. Because the images seen on the television screen appear mostly real, the mind is tricked — unless viewers constantly remind themselves that the images are unreal, which spoils the viewing experience. Viewers are tricked into living mentally and emotionally in a world with no space and time limits. This is a world the origins of which are obscured and hidden, it is an almost real world in which long-dead people still make audiences laugh, but within which viewers are disappointed when they meet an aging actor who does not look like his or her televised image. In this world people sit transfixed by what is essentially an electronic box emanating colorful lights, at the expense of living in the reality around them. Television bolsters a consumerist hyper-real society.

The most commonly consumed images on television are those related to sex and death. This is for two reasons. First, sex and death as depicted on television are self-evident, they are not in need of much character development or explanation, or even language. Second, human beings are fascinated by sex and death, which in and of themselves are not necessarily bad, but when turned into spectacles and commodities they can create pathological relationships that result in a sort of television-induced numbness. Similarly, sexuality is the basis of a deeply intimate relationship between two people, yet television has turned that into a public spectacle as well. Many people have seen their first suggestions of sexuality on television. While many will see this primarily through a moral lens, there is much more at stake. Televised imagery intrudes upon reality, creating a reality larger than reality, a hyper-reality, thereby generating expectations that can never be met by mere reality, such as expectations of beauty, passion and success. Talking about sexuality was once something negotiated by people in the context of their culture, within families, communities, and societies. Television has forced these discussions to take place publicly and in a way that is for the most part framed by Western cultural norms and social mores.

In this sense TV is intrusive, but it also requires a new way to relate to these seemingly private issues, since, unless all the televisions, video-machines and personal computers are unplugged, these images are here for the time being, so they pose a challenge to traditional societies to find ways to deal with imagery with some degree of sophistication. This might begin with realizing that human intimacy has been turned into cheap imagery by the consumer oriented entertainment industries. Consumers can and do become obsessed with these images, to the detriment of their own relations with their communities.

The irony of consumption is that it is rarely overtly forced, and is almost always ostensibly voluntary, so it is misleading to imply a simple cause-and-effect relationship between television and society. Perhaps viewers wouldn't fixate on American entertainment so readily if they were not somehow already deficient or denatured in some basic components that enable healthy human relationships. This would suggest that the more important question is about what has happened to traditional cultures, to their forms of entertainment and other activities, the loss of which encourages people to consume entertainment from the market, from the Western culture industries. These culture industries are run by powerful interests that involve the highest levels of business and government, and there is little that most consumers can do to effect change on that level, except to stop watching and stop consuming, thereby depriving the market of its main commodity: themselves as viewers and consumers. To say this another way, if viewers can become producers of culture, it may lead to an eventual realization that consumers are mainly complicit in their own passivity and commodification.

Take China, India and the Islamic world as examples. These civilizations used to be highly productive; now they have become primarily consumptive; where they used to be active and creative, now they are passive and derivative. As consumerism has taken hold, it is not enough to prevent young people from watching American movies and television, because in most cases they feel as if they do not have anything else to do. Clearly another strategy is required to address this problem. One possibility is to encourage indigenous local cultures, especially those enlivening activities that involve direct face-to-face community interaction. But if people must be entertained electronically and technologically, then some standards can be raised and innovations made. Television, like cinema, is what Ashis Nandy has referred to as a soft export. The movie camera, although developed in America and Europe and exported abroad with colonialism, has taken on new dimensions in the hands of directors like Kurosawa in Japan and Satyajit Ray of India. They have made something quite unique of the medium of film and it is this embracing of soft exports that has the most potential for avoiding the reactions of censorship and instead providing an opportunity for constructive engagement.

Most parents know it is very difficult to completely shield children from something as pervasive and intrusive as television, and that is the problem of what amounts to a large-scale cultural incursion into Third World societies. Everyone should probably watch less television, first of all, not just on moral grounds, but in order to "roll back" consumerism, voyeurism and hyper-reality. But in terms of making children into consumers, even "clean" shows such as Barney and Sesame Street are complicit. In fact, despite what many parents think, "educational" American TV shows teach children two primary skills: how to watch television and how to become consumers. When they get older, their tastes may evolve to more "adult content," but the practice of consuming has already been instilled in early childhood. This can perhaps be taken as a warning against the usual parental strategy of limiting children to watching things like Barney and Sesame Street (and their recent Third World clones). These programs are as much a part of the problem as the immoral programming that viewers more readily lament.

Voluntarily decreasing dependency on television is another possibility. Despite its pervasiveness, millions of people in the media saturated societies are voluntarily turning off their sets. In fact, there is a growing resistance movement of sorts, which ironically began in North America and which involves family organizations, religious groups and schools participating in TV Turnoff Week annually during the last week of April. This has been going on since the 1990s, and provides an interesting and relatively painless way to reflect on the content of television, and especially on the absence of television, and what can be done with that absence. Consumers can begin with these kinds of activities, as a voluntary device to get the discussions going, especially about the role of television in their own families and societies, and what a post-television society might be like.

Beyond the question of consumerism, parents and teachers may lament the way that television has affected education. The media-induced phenomenon of "infotainment" has altered children’s expectations of learning and schooling. Many teachers have noticed, and some researchers have pointed out, that television has impacted children's attention-spans and may even have curtailed their ability to concentrate for prolonged periods. Shorter attention spans have rendered obsolescent methods like lectures and discussions in classrooms, which are being replaced by gimmicks and games. This is because television changes the terms of the relationships within which knowledge is produced and exchanged. Schools used to be like factories: dreary, gray places of regimentation, uniformity and conformity; but now they are becoming places of "fun" and entertainment, often with their walls emblazoned with the symbols of consumer culture and icons on American entertainment.

Perhaps parents need to reframe the entire discussion. The issue is not merely replacing gray schools with colorful ones; perhaps the entire prospectus of schooling should be rethought. Maybe the whole idea of keeping children institutionalized six hours a day, five days a week, ten months a year, for twelve to fifteen years of their lives needs rethinking. If television has created a consumer society entranced by "fun," at the same time the sense of what is "fun" and what is "boring" is also being defined by the same industries that provide the "fun" solutions to seemingly "boring" lives. It is a vicious cycle that ought to be broken. This can involve redefining the terms of the discussion and seeing the issues in a new way. Why have teachers and communities let the culture industries of the West, through the medium of television, define the meaning of "fun"? What did people do for "fun" before these industries intruded?

Some media scholars have pointed out that television has moved the West from a text-based to an image-based society, and that this has had a profound effect on cognition and understanding. However, the applicability of this thesis to other societies that have not followed the same trajectory as the West is questionable. Many societies remain orality-based, rather than text-based, and others involve a combination of orality and literacy. Muslim society is an interesting hybrid. One can think about, for example, the relationship between orality and literacy in Islamic history, with the orally-transmitted hadith "literature" as a case in point. Orality and literacy, text and imagery, can be part of any healthy society, but the question is to what degree these should be determined by local cultural participation rather than distant institutions. For example, television replaces a significant activity of most societies: the practice of storytelling. Before television, and with fewer books, people used to tell each other stories. How is it that most modern societies have turned over the primary role of storytelling to the entertainment industries? Instead of actively telling each other stories, something that human beings have done since time immemorial (with or without books), people sit passively and let Hollywood, Bollywood or Nollywood tell their mass market stories. And, because these industries are market-oriented, it is in their interest that everyone consumes the same few kinds of stories, so as to increase market shares and sizes. Globalizing a few habits makes industrial production all the more easier.

Another important aid to understanding the relationship between television, culture and consumerism is developing an awareness that technology is not value-free. Beyond being mere tools, technologies embody cultural assumptions and many have profound, and often unanticipated, cultural and social repercussions. With this in mind, the problem is not just the content of television; its form is a factor as well. The form involves technological debates, such as those regarding television versus the personal computer, but it also involves the formal methods of presentation, such as the conventions of storytelling in a particular medium. So there are three areas to consider: 1) the actual content of TV such as a movie or program, the stories that are being told; 2) the formalities of storytelling utilized in a particular medium, how the stories are told; and 3) the overarching messages from the form of technology used to tell the stories. All of these are culture-bound, and culture can intervene at all levels. Obviously, one way to intervene is to gain control of the stories being told, but as suggested above this needs to move beyond heavy handed censorship, which besides being difficult to enforce has its own negative political outcomes.

The formalities of storytelling also have space for intervention. To illustrate with a regional example, it may be instructive to compare two popular Arabic-language satellite-television channels. Both channels feature talk shows whose guests discuss and debate the issues of the day. One channel has adopted the American convention of holding such discussions as a competitive and often times rude argument, to the extent that guests are pre-coached by their hosts to interrupt each other and get emotional, and to even yell and scream. The other channel eschews this American convention, and allows each speaker to finish making a point in a more mutually respectful format. The first channel adopts the conventions of American programs such as "Firing Line" and "The Jerry Springer Show," which sacrifice content to ratings and style, while the second channel has constructed its own way of conducting discussions, which places understanding the issues and mutual respect between speakers and toward audiences above pandering to ratings and style. The argumentative American-style approach may be entertaining and exciting to watch, like a football game, but viewers are often left with impressions, not with any real knowledge or understanding of the issue that was "discussed."

The third area of inquiry, that of technology and how it embodies culture, involves a realization that is increasingly gaining credence, which states that modern technologies, from genetics to spaceships, and the sciences that spawned them, from biology to physics, are not neutral and value free but rather embody Western cultural assumptions about cosmology, humanity and methodology. For example, as has been pointed out by David F. Noble, many Western technologies embody the beliefs from a form of Western Christianity known as millenarianism, which sees the religion of technology in terms of its redemptive function. This is not redemption through prayer or living a pious life, as many of the great religions and wisdom traditions teach, but rather redemption through technology, with scientists and technicians becoming the new priesthood in what amounts to a secular religion, leading their helpless flocks toward utopia, a paradise on earth created by technology. Similarly, C. K. Raju has shown that mathematics, once thought to be the supreme value-free science, is in fact embedded with the theological assumptions of Christianity, in particular those involving notions of perfection and infinity. In short, Western technologies such as television and computers are non-neutral and non-value-free, and in their modern forms they embody the deepest cultural assumptions of Western civilization. To uncritically adopt these technologies, in their present form and content, is to adopt a particular cultural outlook that remains only one within the multitude.

[This article is by J. Progler and is extracted from a longer work in progress on media and education. Some of his book reviews on media and TV related topics are available on TV Multiversity hereherehere and here. Progler is currently teaching media, culture and society at Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University in Japan.]

小米記趣~『幫阿母提包&騎長頸鹿』

現階段的小米很喜愛幫忙,雖然以標準來說是幫倒忙,但因小朋友這樣的興致,讓阿母有機會機會教育他何謂我們日常生活周遭的人事務,也因此現在小米是名副其實的北木小助理,凡舉:搭公車刷悠遊卡,洗米,幫忙提東西,擦桌子‧‧‧等小米都越來越有概念,相信再過不久,動作也會越來越上手。我想這也是一種北木養育小孩的成就感唷~(雖然過程真的很勞累)

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小米記趣~『週末夜狂樂之約翰屈服塔風 』

今天天氣為涼,阿母就拿了件小比姊姊的褲子讓小米穿,結果阿爸一看,覺得很有週末夜狂樂之約翰屈服塔風,如果褲子上的pattern是點點普普風的話,那就更讚了。

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這這這是什麼表情阿(阿爸說如果可以右手比YA橫向式的從左眼晃到右眼那就更是活脫脫脫的小米屈服塔啦)
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小米記趣~『二手新鞋子性能測試報告』

樓下古董店的老闆娘正好有一個漂亮女兒大小米約一歲多一點點,這幾天他先把兩雙他女兒穿不下的鞋子送給小米,阿母一看,媽呀~鞋面跟鞋底透露出這鞋子九成九新,我只能說小米你撿到了!不只這樣,潔美阿姨也送給小米一大袋小比姊姊的衣服(阿母厚顏拿全部啦~哈),除了樣式很新穎,且很多小比姊姊都沒穿過耶,難道這就是小米帶來的糧草嘛???(阿母心驚好幾嚇)

先全身照一張
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在鏡子面前搔首弄姿一番
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往下蹲測試
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爬上爬下測試
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路面不平,踩電線測試
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小米記趣~『彈鋼琴&揹書包』

裝的有模有樣
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很逗趣,像是把紅色龜殼揹在身上
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小米記趣~『撈過界之搶著喝不同口味的優酪乳』

小朋友是否都是如出一轍的機車,當看到桌上有幾瓶不一樣顏色的飲料,不論怎麼曉以大義,他就是每一瓶都要打開來嚐一口以示到此一遊,因此北木都是得等小米留過他老大的口水痕跡後,才能夠謝主隆恩般的拿來享用。

先來原味
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好像不錯,再多喝幾口
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防禦性的把另一隻手也扶好,這樣就比較不容易被天外飛來的手給拿走
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ㄟ~旁邊的芒果口味似乎也跟我招手耶
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普普(看那不怎樣的表情)
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眼神似乎飄道別的方向唷
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哈~桌上原來還有草莓口味的呀
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這表情是指‧‧‧爸爸媽媽,這三種口味都不怎樣,就讓我來代勞喝完吧?!
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小米記趣~『小助理之幫忙阿爸吹游泳圈』

炎炎夏天,泡水最能消暑,阿母因此還特地上了BBH去爬文看哪一款泳圈很比較適合一歲的小朋友使用,爬到阿母眼睛酸抽痛的終於有找出答案啦,圖中就是陳小米的新泳圈囉。這雞婆性的小助理看到尚未打氣的泳圈就不顧一切衝到阿爸的身邊狀似很貼心的要幫忙,如不接受他的美意,他還會用與聲樂飆高音的哭給你看勒。你說他是不是地方惡霸來著的~

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阿爸教我怎麼吹氣
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這叫做合力完成一件事
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差不多啦
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阿爸差不多整個背都濕了(我猜),心理暗想著老子自己來都比有助理幫忙來的有效率很多點。
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小米記趣~『愛穿阿母的夾腳拖』

夾腳拖被撈出來了
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主角一副從容不迫的姿態,殊不知全都錄
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右腳就這麼不猶豫的穿進去,且還試圖把大拇指跟食指岔開,但無奈小肌肉還尚未進化成熟,未能如願,大嘆一聲~哎呀!
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裝做一副有模有樣的勒
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小米記趣~『推&坐推車』

小米很好笑,喜歡推這推車在家裡到處走,某一天他居然要把自己坐進去讓阿母推,但重點是他長大了,相形之下推車似乎快被他壓垮,但阿母還是冒著推車會肢解的可能性推他在家裡繞一圈,繞完後他大概也因坐的不舒服就會爬起來。其實很多事務與其一開始就跟小孩子說不,倒不如讓他嘗試一下(如果不是涉及生命危險的話),讓他了解箇中滋味,勝過跟這似懂非懂的小朋友溝通老半天還來的有效。

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換他推著他的牛逛大街了
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MOTHERSHIP LAUNCH FILMS

About Mothership news!
This is my favor one!

Sensation White from Mothership on Vimeo.

And this one "West of the Moon (trailer)", just really something...

West of the Moon (trailer) from Mothership on Vimeo.

And "Chase"

Chase from Mothership on Vimeo.

Saturday, May 29, 2010

Best Rated Satellite Tv Provider: Sports Packages.

Dish Network is the best rated satellite tv provider for good reason!  One reason among many others is their sports package.  They have packages for all major American sports as well as packages for foreign sporting events.   Baseball, Basketball, Hockey and Soccer are all covered here! 

Basketball fans can enjoy the ESPN Full Court College Basketball which brings over 450 games from around the nation right into your living room for $19.75 or get from row seats to over 40 NBA games a week with the NBA League Pass for $24.75. 

Football fans have three different options to choose from. 

NFL Redzone brings you the most excited events whenever a team enters the 20 yard line.

NFL Network brings the NFL to you all day all week.

Finally.  ESPN Game plan brings you 12 college games a week.

Some Changes to TDT – Important Sky Card Information – Sky Boxes switching off

Some Changes to TDT – Important Sky Card Information – Sky Boxes switching off

TDT is the Spanish Digital Television service available via your TV aerial. With TDT you can receive around 30 digital Spanish Channels. Although there are no UK or English channels on TDT, you can, in many cases, change the language of certain UK and USA imported programmes from the dubbed Spanish into English. In most cases this can be done by simply pressing the “Audio” button on the remote control.

Sony Entertainment TV no longer available

One of the TDT channels that transmitted a number of American TV imports was the Sony Entertainment Channel – SET. However, you may have noticed that in the last few weeks it is now unavailable, or you are getting a “channel scrambled” message. This is because SET is no longer being broadcasted on TDT. It has been replaced by AXN. However, AXN is the second pay channel on TDT, the first being GOL TV.

To watch these Premium TDT channels you require a Premium viewing card, and a TDT receiver or a TDT Integrated TV with the ability to read the card. Currently a monthly subscription of around 15euros is required for access to both Gol TV and AXN.

High Definition Channels on TDT

Over the coming year some more HD TDT channels will become available. I say more, as in some areas of the Valencia area it is possible to receive Canal 9 HD. Later in the year TVE, and Telecinco are expect to launch their TDT HD channels. In order to receive these TDT HD channels you will require either a TDT HD set top box, or a TV with a built in TDT HD receiver.

Important Sky Card information

As many are aware Sky TV recently replaced their viewing cards from the Blue with Yellow house cards to the all white cards. On the 1st March 2010 all the old blue yellow house cards were deactivated and no longer “unlock” any of the Sky TV channels.

The new white cards have also thrown up a few interesting surprises.
Sky card require a constant signal from the satellite to “keep the cards alive”. If the cards do not receive this “keep alive” signal over a few weeks, then the cards can “go to sleep”. If the cards have “gone to sleep” then one the encrypted channels you will see a message informing you that “This is the wrong cards for this set top box”.

The old blue Sky cards could be “woken up” by leaving them in ANY Sky digibox over a period of 24 / 48 hours, and the channels would eventually reappear. However, the new white Sky cards can only be woken up by leaving them for 24/48 hours in the Sky box that he cards were originally activated in.

Sky Boxes Switching Off Randomly

Since the beginning of March 2010, some Sky boxes have been experiencing an issue where they are switching off at random times, even if you have turned off the Autostandby feature on the Sky box.

The Autostandby feature automatically puts the Sky box into Standby mode if the box has been switched on and no remote control buttons have been touched for 4 hours – supposedly helping you save some power by not having the box turned on all the time.

However, on the Pace 430N Sky receivers, a software update from Sky has been causing the boxes to shut down at random times. You can confirm your make of Sky box by looking at the sticker that should be on the bottom of your box. By pressing Services, 4, 5 and accessing the System Details, software version 3.8.8 is the one that is causing the issues. All other Sky boxes and software versions are at the moment OK.

You can correct this problem yourself, by performing a manual software update which rolls back the software to the previous working version.
This process should be done in the morning, and only if you are getting the background music playing when you enter the Sky menu system, as the frequency for the software download may not be available on small dishes or in the afternoon, and performing it when the frequency is not there could damage your Sky box.

1 Unplug your sky box from the power
2 Press and hold the BACKUP button on the Sky box – not the remote control.
3 Still pressing the Back up button, reapply the power.
4 Keep pressing the back up button on the Sky box until RED YELOW and GREEN light glow on the front panel of the box. A “Downloading” message may also appear on the screen
5 Once these lights have appeared you can release the Back up button, as the box has now started the software download.
6 The Sky box will reboot once the download has been completed. You can confirm if the correct software has been downloaded by going once again into the System Details (Service, 4, 5) and checking that the Software version is now 3.7.6

I should better reiterate that this process should only be down if you can get the download frequency (11778) indicated by the background music on the sky menu screen, that you may also have to re add those “extra” ITV1, C4 and Five channels you have added into your Other Channels lists, and that you perform this upgrade at your own risk and I cannot be held liable if it fails and / or damages your Sky box.

This and further information can be found on our website and Satellite TV forum:

The Sat and PC Guy - Digital Satellite and Terrestrial Installations and Maintenance for the Costa Blanca

or the forum

The Sat and PC Guy FORUM - Digital Satellite and Terrestrial Installations and Maintenance for the Costa Blanca

Friday, May 28, 2010

BBC One HD Coming soon....to digital satellite

The BBC has confirmed plans to launch a high definition version of BBC One in the autumn.

BBC One HD will offer a HD simulcast of the channel, including HD versions of EastEnders, Holby City and The One Show.

The channel's autumn schedule in HD will also include Strictly Come Dancing, Human Planet and Waterloo Road.

BBC One HD will be made available on Freesat, Freeview, Sky and Virgin Media.

Thursday, May 27, 2010

The 'Racial Film' as Expedition

In Europe, the 'racial film' accompanied what Pierre Leprohon has called 'a violent upsurge in exoticism' during the years 1920-25, a phenomenon also reflected in literature, in the triumph of Gauguin, and in jazz music (labeled in France 'la musique negre'). Probably the most famous French 'racial cruise' film was Leon Poirier's La croisiere noire (The Black Cruise; 1926), a long travelogue which followed a Citroen motorcar expedition traversing Africa from the north to as far south as Madagascar. An explicitly colonial film, La croisiere noire was a grand motorcar adventure designed to give witness to France's 'civilizing action.'

In the United States the 'racial film' vogue followed directly upon the success of Nanook of the North: Hollywood was willing to invest in films of ethnographic romanticism, time machines into a faraway present which represented a simpler, 'savage' past. Critics who have discussed early ethnographic cinema, including anthropologist Franz Boas, frequently mention Cooper and Schoedsack's Grass (1925) and Chang (1927) as archetypes of the genre. Meriam C. Cooper was an airplane pilot in World War I and World War II, a man so opposed to Bolshevism that he volunteered to fight Russian Communists for Poland in 1919-21. He met Ernest B. Schoedsack, a freelance war photographer, in Europe during World War I. David H. Mould and Gerry Veeder explain that Cooper and Schoedsack were typical 'photographer-adventurer' culture heroes, who, like other filmmakers in the period from 1895 to the 1930s, portrayed themselves as mavericks who had rebelled against the constraints of society, iconoclasts seeking adventure in the photographing of film of peoples in foreign lands. As Mould and Veeder put it, 'The mission of the photographer-adventurer was to bring back the film, whatever the danger or cost.' Whether it was the macho, individualist personae of modern Davy Crocketts who risked their lives in order to film distant places, an image spectacularized in the jungle filmmaker character in their 1933 film King Kong.

Grass (1925), their first feature-length film, made with journalist Marguerite E. Harrison, took as its subject matter the Baktiari migration in southwest Iran across the snowy Zardeh Kuh pass in search of grass to feed the Baktiari's herds. Like other expedition films, Grass focuses on the filmmakers as intrepid Great White Hunter, flagrantly equating the camera with a gun and using ballistic point-of-view identification to create the thrill of 'being there.' Visual anthropologist Asen Balikci asserts that Grass is markedly different from the humanist films of Flaherty in that it lacks a strong focus on the a man and his family struggling for survival: 'The basic theme of Grass emerges somewhat behind the screen; it lies in the grandiose conception of the filmmaker as the new explorer, the daring traveler and discoverer of exotic land, and this is the myth of the ethnographic filmmaker as a hero!'

The expedition is a voyage through time to a remote locale in search of a human unknown. The Baktiari of southwestern Iran are referred to as the 'Forgotten People' living the life of 'three thousand years ago.' Grass begins:

 

After a panoramic shot of camels walking in profile across the horizon, the intertitles continue: 


The heroes of the film are introduced: pipe-smoking Cooper, rugged-looking Schoedsack, and female journalist Harrison.   

Titles explain that Cooper and Schoedsack will not be picture in the film, because they are behind the camera. Subsequently, Harrison portrayed as a genteel lady traveler fully dependent on her male traveler companions, is the only non-Baktiari person filmed. Although providing a white point of reference for an American audience, her point of view is never established in the scenes or intertitles, and she almost fades into the mise-en-scene of the expedition.

The film comments: 'But going ahead, we were turning the pages backwards - on and on further back into the centuries. Till we reached the first Chapter, arrived at the very beginning...'











A voyage back in time to the origins of the 'Aryan Race' (and thus to the origins of the purported white viewer), Grass has no central native protagonist: even Haider Khan, the chief of the tribe of Baktiari, portrayed as a leader of this trek, is not developed as a character. Instead, what is foregrounded is epic endurance and spectacular nature: wide-angle shots of thousands of dark figures making a zigzagging line as they climb mountains of ice and rock. This epic theme, however, is adorned with cuteness. As the reviewer in the New York Times commented, 'It is an unusual and remarkable film offering, one that is instructive and compelling but in now way a story. Yet in this picture, there is drama interspersed with captivating comedy, and the audience last night applauded some of the wonderful photographic sequences and at other times they were moved to laughter by the antics of the animals.' Thus picturesque details such as the blowing up of goat skins for floating across rapids are accompanied by jokey intertitles. The Times reviewer accurately noted that the intertitles appear to have been written for Barnum and Bailey's circus.

Grass ends with the triumph of the filmmakers as contemporary Aryan heroes who followed the Baktiari on their dangerous trek in order to make their film. The film thus betrays a curious anxiety with producing sufficient evidence, reminiscent of the Time Traveller in H. G. Wells's novel who goes back into the future with a camera in order to take photographs which will convince of others of the veracity of his trip. The final film sequence in Grass even includes a close-up of a document signed by officials claiming that the filmmakers were the first foreigners to make the dangerous trek across the Zardeh Kuh pass. Despite the obvious effort to make the film succeed as Hollywood entertainment, the filmmakers were concerned with establishing the film's status as truthful document.

Cooper and Schoedsack's next film, Chang (1927), filmed in Thailand as if in the 'ethnographic present,' is about a family living in the jungle who must contend with wild animals, especially tigers and elephants. The most feared beast is 'chang' (elephant', a word that the audience repeatedly sees in intertitles but does not learn the meaning of until midway through the film. The voyage of discovery in Chang is one leading to the revelation of the identity of the beast, a discovery made all the more impressive when the film opened at the Rivoli theater in New York City, through the use of magnoscope technology for the climactic scene of the stampeding elephants.

The stars of Chang are not the human characters Kru and his wife and children, but the animals and the filmmakers who capture them on film. Schoedsack wrote that, with Chang, they were pursuing the same theme as they pursued in Grass, 'the theme of man's struggle against nature, only this time nature was represented by the jungle and its animals.' The film begins with the opening statement common in ethnographic cinema that Kru's family, these 'natives of the wild,' have never seen a motion picture. The family is represented as archaic Primitive Jungle people who must tame or kill wild animals in order to survive. In Chang, there is some attempt at depicting nuclear family life in the jungle (it is man and his family against nature), but again there is little character development and no sense of any broader social interaction. The real stars of the film, the animals, are both wild (hungry tigers, rampaging elephants) and domestic (especially Bimbo the pet monkey and a bear cub), with the intertitles even attributing dialogue to them. In his book L'exotisme et le cinema, Pierre Leprohon explains that the success of Chang derived from its ability to evoke the shock of childhood: 'It is here that cinema brought us back again to the most beautiful moment in our childhood. We suddenly found again our desire for discoveries, our nostalgia for these "elsewheres" where we would never be able to set foot.'

As the product of 'photographer-adventurers,' the filmed scenes with wild animals were considered risky, thrilling, and dangerous, and Chang ends with the spectacle of the elephants entering a corral, the intertitles underlining the lesson that 'Brawn surrenders to the brain,' man conquers nature. A glowing review in the New York Times called Chang 'an unusual piece of work, beside which all big game hunting films pale into insignificance, and through the clever arrangement of its sequences, excellent comedy follows closely on the exciting episodes.' Slapstick comedy, especially evident in Chang in the scenes between the children and the pet animals, as well as patronizing and corny intertitles, are again present. In the expedition variant of the 'racial film' genre in general, the filmmakers make 'inside' jokes with the audience about the 'ignorance' of the subjects through intertitles or with montage, the use of slapstick only serving to heighten the physicality of the characters. Much of the patronizing quality of the films derives from the use of the ape metaphor. In Chang, shots of a wizened old villager are intercut with that of a monkey, intended to lead the viewer to laugh at the parallel. This simian motif continues in Schoedsack's later Rango (1931), a film about a family in Aceh, a region of Sumatra, Indonesia, that takes as its premise a comparison between the orangutang and the Acehnese protagonist. Finally, of course, the anthropoid ape becomes the star in King Kong.

[The foregoing was excerpted from Fatimah Tobing Rony, The Third Eye: Race, Cinema and Ethnographic Spectacle (Duke University Press, 1996), pp. 132-37. See also the previously posted essay on Anthropological and Ethnographic Films.]